Exiled Libyan Monarchy Admit Their Role In Fomenting War In Libya




Background

‘The Libyan monarchy of Idris, which was based in Benghazi, was installed by the United States and British in the 1950’s to oversee their economic and military interests in North Africa. Libya in 1952, under the leadership of King Idris, officially had the lowest standards of Living in the world. The Idris monarchy was overthrown in a bloodless revolution led by Muammar al-Gaddafi in 1969. This led to the American Wheelus Air Base (The largest American base outside of The States at that time) being dismantled and the American and British armed forces stationed in Libya evacuating. The western oil companies were then nationalised.’


‘The uprising in Libya, which has been portrayed by many in the west as a democratic movement, has been symbolized by the tri-coloured rebel flag. The flag is in fact the flag of the oppressive, undemocratic, monarchy of Idris. At the start of the conflict elements of the rebels in Benghazi held aloft pictures of King Idris. Whilst by no means are all the rebels monarchists, it is however important to highlight the overthrown Libyan monarchy’s history, influence in Benghazi and relationship with the West. It is of no surprise then that the exiled monarchy of Idris has played a hidden hand in this conflict. Closely working with their old allies in NATO in an attempt to regain their lost status in Libya and ‘return to democracy’ as his Royal Highness Prince Idris bizarrely and unashamedly declares in his CNN interview.’

SEE:
The International Monarchist League Supports NATO Mercenaries

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  1. Elsa says:
      History of Libya under Muammar Gaddafi From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Jump to: navigation, search It has been suggested that some portions of this article be split into articles titled Libyan Arab Republic and Great Socialist People’s Libyan Arab Jamahiriya. Please discuss this on the article talk page. (August 2011) This article needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding reliable references. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (December 2010) Flag of Libya (1969–1972) Flag of Libya (1972–1977) Flag of Libya (1977–2011) History of Libya This article is part of a series Prehistory Ancient history (before 640 AD) Arab rule (640–1551) Ottoman rule (1551–1911) Italian colony (1911–1934) Italian Libya (1934–1943) Allied occupation of Libya (1943–1951) Kingdom of Libya (1951–1969) Libya under Gaddafi (1969 – 2011) 2011 Libyan civil war (February 2011 – present) Libya Portal v · d · e The history of Libya under Muammar Gaddafi spans a period of over forty years, from 1969 to 2011. Gaddafi became the de facto leader of the country on 1 September 1969 after leading a group of young Libyan military officers against King Idris I in a coup d’état. After the king had fled the country, the Revolutionary Command Council (RCC) headed by Gaddafi abolished the monarchy and the constitution and proclaimed the new Libyan Arab Republic with the motto “freedom, socialism, and unity”.[1] After coming to power, the RCC government initiated a process of directing funds toward providing education, healthcare and housing for all. The reforms, though not entirely effective, had had their effect. Public education in the country is free and primary education is compulsory for both boys and girls. Medicare is also available to the public at no cost but providing housing for all is a task the RCC government has not been able to complete yet.[2] In 1977, Gaddafi renamed the Libyan state to Great Socialist People’s Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, where Jamahiriya is a term coined by Gaddafi, usually translated as “state of the masses”. Under Gaddafi, per capita income in the country rose to more than US $11,000, the fifth highest in Africa.[3] The increase in prosperity was accompanied by a controversial foreign policy, which at times authorised the use of terror to achieve desired goals, and increased political repression at home.[1][4] During the 1980s and 1990s, Gaddafi openly supported international terrorism, which led to a deterioration of Libya’s foreign relations, culminating in the US bombing of Libya in 1986. However, after the 9/11 attacks, Gaddafi began to distance himself from terrorism, and during the 2000s, Libya’s international relations were mostly normalized, the US rescinding its designation of Gaddafi’s Libya as a state sponsor of terrorism in June 2006. Gaddafi’s last appearances as the leader of Libya on the international stage was his eccentric 100-minute speech to the United Nations on 23 September 2009, and (as Chairman of the African Union) his attendance at the G8 summit in Italy in July 2010. In early 2011, a rebellion against Gaddafi’s regime broke out in the context of the wider “Arab Spring“. A National Transitional Council was formed on 27 February with the purpose of assuming interim authority. After a number of atrocities and war crimes, and the threat of further massacres, a multinational coalition led by NATO intervened on 21 March with the aim to protect civilians against attacks by the regime’s forces.[5] and the International Criminal Court issued an arrest warrant against Gaddafi and his entourage on 27 June 2011. Gaddafi was ousted from power in the wake of the fall of Tripoli to the rebel forces on 20 August 2011, although as of 24 August, there remain pockets of resistance held by forces loyal to Gaddafi’s regime in parts of Tripoli, and in Gaddafi’s hometown Sirte. Contents [hide] 1 Coup d’état of 1969 2 Arab Republic (1969–1977) 2.1 Attempted counter-coups 2.2 Assertion of Gaddafi’s control 2.3 Alignment with the Soviet bloc 2.4 Petroleum politics 2.5 Transition to the Jamahiriya (1973–1977) 3 Great Socialist People’s Libyan Arab Jamahiriya 3.1 Name 3.2 Reforms (1977–1980) 3.2.1 Gaddafi as permanent “Leader of the Revolution” 3.2.2 Administrative reforms 3.2.3 Economic reforms 3.3 Military 3.4 Wars against Chad and Egypt 3.4.1 Islamic Legion 3.4.2 Attempts at nuclear and chemical weapons 3.4.3 Gulf of Sidra incidents and US air strikes 3.5 International relations 3.5.1 Africa 3.6 Gaddafi and international terrorism 3.6.1 International sanctions after the Lockerbie bombing (1992–2003) 3.6.2 Normalization of international relations (2003–2010) 4 Opposition, coups and revolts 4.1 Political repression 4.2 Opposition to the Jamahiriya reforms 4.3 Assassinations of Libyan refugees 4.4 Political unrest during the 1990s 5 2011 civil war and collapse of Gaddafi’s regime 6 See also 7 References 8 External links [edit] Coup d’état of 1969 The discovery of significant oil reserves in 1959 and the subsequent income from petroleum sales enabled the United Kingdom of Libya to transition from one of the world’s poorest nations to a wealthy state. Although oil drastically improved the Libyan government’s finances, resentment began to build over the increased concentration of the nation’s wealth in the hands of King Idris. This discontent mounted with the rise of Nasserism and Arab nationalism throughout North Africa and the Middle East. On 1 September 1969, the so-called Free Officers Movement, a group of about 70 young army officers and enlisted men mostly assigned to the Signal Corps, seized control of the government and in a stroke abolished the Libyan monarchy. The coup was launched at Benghazi, and within two hours the takeover was completed. Army units quickly rallied in support of the coup, and within a few days firmly established military control in Tripoli and elsewhere throughout the country. Popular reception of the coup, especially by younger people in the urban areas, was enthusiastic. Fears of resistance in Cyrenaica and Fezzan proved unfounded. No deaths or violent incidents related to the coup were reported.[citation needed] The Free Officers Movement, which claimed credit for carrying out the coup, was headed by a twelve-member directorate that designated itself the Revolutionary Command Council (RCC). This body constituted the Libyan government after the coup. In its initial proclamation on September 1,[6] the RCC declared the country to be a free and sovereign state called the Libyan Arab Republic, which would proceed “in the path of freedom, unity, and social justice, guaranteeing the right of equality to its citizens, and opening before them the doors of honorable work.” The rule of the Turks and Italians and the “reactionary” regime just overthrown were characterized as belonging to “dark ages”, from which the Libyan people were called to move forward as “free brothers” to a new age of prosperity, equality, and honor. The RCC advised diplomatic representatives in Libya that the revolutionary changes had not been directed from outside the country, that existing treaties and agreements would remain in effect, and that foreign lives and property would be protected. Diplomatic recognition of the new regime came quickly from countries throughout the world. United States recognition was officially extended on 6 September. Gaddafi (left) with Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser in 1969 In view of the lack of internal resistance, it appeared that the chief danger to the new regime lay in the possibility of a reaction inspired by the absent King Idris or his designated heir, Hasan ar Rida, who had been taken into custody at the time of the coup along with other senior civil and military officials of the royal government. Within days of the coup, however, Hasan publicly renounced all rights to the throne, stated his support for the new regime, and called on the people to accept it without violence. Idris, in an exchange of messages with the RCC through Egypt’s President Nasser, dissociated himself from reported attempts to secure British intervention and disclaimed any intention of coming back to Libya. In return, he was assured by the RCC of the safety of his family still in the country. At his own request and with Nasser’s approval, Idris took up residence once again in Egypt, where he had spent his first exile and where he remained until his death in 1983. On 7 September 1969, the RCC announced that it had appointed a cabinet to conduct the government of the new republic. An American-educated technician, Mahmud Sulayman al-Maghribi, who had been imprisoned since 1967 for his political activities, was designated prime minister. He presided over the eight-member Council of Ministers, of whom six, like Maghrabi, were civilians and two – Adam Said Hawwaz and Musa Ahmad – were military officers. Neither of the officers was a member of the RCC. The Council of Ministers was instructed to “implement the state’s general policy as drawn up by the RCC”, leaving no doubt where ultimate authority rested. The next day the RCC decided to promote Captain Gaddafi to colonel and to appoint him commander in chief of the Libyan Armed Forces. Although RCC spokesmen declined until January 1970 to reveal any other names of RCC members, it was apparent from that date onward that the head of the RCC and new de facto head of state was Gaddafi. Analysts were quick to point out the striking similarities between the Libyan military coup of 1969 and that in Egypt under Nasser in 1952, and it became clear that the Egyptian experience and the charismatic figure of Nasser had formed the model for the Free Officers Movement. As the RCC in the last months of 1969 moved vigorously to institute domestic reforms, it proclaimed neutrality in the confrontation between the superpowers and opposition to all forms of colonialism and “imperialism”. It also made clear Libya’s dedication to Arab unity and to the support of the Palestinian cause against Israel. The RCC reaffirmed the country’s identity as part of the “Arab nation” and its state religion as Islam. It abolished parliamentary institutions, all legislative functions being assumed by the RCC, and continued the prohibition against political parties, in effect since 1952. The new regime categorically rejected communism – in large part because it was atheistic – and officially espoused an Arab interpretation of socialism that integrated Islamic principles with social, economic, and political reform. Libya had shifted, virtually overnight, from the camp of conservative Arab traditionalist states to that of the radical nationalist states. [edit] Arab Republic (1969–1977) Libyan Arab Republic الجمهورية العربية الليبية (Arabic) Al-Ǧumhūriyya al-ʿArabiyya al-Lībiyya 1969–1972 Flag Coat of arms Anthem Allahu Akbar Capital Tripoli Language(s) Arabic Religion Islam Government Republic Chairman of the Revolutionary Command Council – 1969–1972 Muammar Gaddafi HistoryCoup d’état 1 September 1969 – joined the Federation of Arab Republics March 1972 [edit] Attempted counter-coups Following the formation of the Libyan Arab Republic, Gaddafi and his associates insisted that their government would not rest on individual leadership, but rather on collegial decision making. Nevertheless, it soon became clear that Gaddafi acted as de-facto dictator, with the RCC acting as little more than his rubber stamp. The first major cabinet change occurred soon after the first challenge to the regime. In December 1969, Adam Said Hawwaz, the minister of defense, and Musa Ahmad, the minister of interior, were arrested and accused of planning a coup. In the new cabinet formed after the crisis, Gaddafi, retaining his post as chairman of the RCC, also became prime minister and defense minister. Major Abdel Salam Jallud, generally regarded as second only to Gaddafi in the RCC, became deputy prime minister and minister of interior. This cabinet totaled thirteen members, of whom five were RCC officers. The regime was challenged a second time in July 1970 when Abdullah Abid Sanusi and Ahmed al-Senussi, distant cousins of former King Idris, and members of the Sayf an Nasr clan of Fezzan were accused of plotting to seize power for themselves. After the plot was foiled, a substantial cabinet change occurred, RCC officers for the first time forming a majority among new ministers. [edit] Assertion of Gaddafi’s control From the start, RCC spokesmen had indicated a serious intent to bring the “defunct regime” to account. In 1971 and 1972 more than 200 former government officials—including 7 prime ministers and numerous cabinet ministers—as well as former King Idris and members of the royal family, were brought to trial on charges of treason and corruption in the Libyan People’s Court. Many, who like Idris lived in exile, were tried in absentia. Although a large percentage of those charged were acquitted, sentences of up to fifteen years in prison and heavy fines were imposed on others. Five death sentences, all but one of them in absentia, were pronounced, among them, one against Idris. Fatima, the former queen, and Hasan ar Rida were sentenced to five and three years in prison, respectively. Meanwhile, Gaddafi and the RCC had disbanded the Sanusi order and officially downgraded its historical role in achieving Libya’s independence. He also attacked regional and tribal differences as obstructions in the path of social advancement and Arab unity, dismissing traditional leaders and drawing administrative boundaries across tribal groupings. The Free Officers Movement was renamed “Arab Socialist Union” (ASU) in 1971, modeled after Egypt’s Arab Socialist Union, and made the sole legal party in Gaddafi’s Libya. It acted as a “vehicle of national expression”, purporting to “raise the political consciousness of Libyans” and to “aid the RCC in formulating public policy through debate in open forums”.[citation needed] Trade unions were incorporated into the ASU and strikes outlawed. The press, already subject to censorship, was officially conscripted in 1972 as an agent of the revolution. Italians and what remained of the Jewish community were expelled from the country and their property confiscated in October 1970. As months passed, Gaddafi, caught up in his apocalyptic visions of revolutionary pan-Arabism and Islam locked in mortal struggle with what he termed the encircling, demonic forces of reaction, imperialism, and Zionism, increasingly devoted attention to international rather than internal affairs. As a result, routine administrative tasks fell to Major Jallud, who in 1972 became prime minister in place of Gaddafi. Two years later Jallud assumed Gaddafi’s remaining administrative and protocol duties to allow Gaddafi to devote his time to revolutionary theorizing. Gaddafi remained commander in chief of the armed forces and effective head of state. The foreign press speculated about an eclipse of his authority and personality within the RCC, but Gaddafi soon dispelled such theories by his measures to restructure Libyan society. [edit] Alignment with the Soviet bloc After the September coup, U.S. forces proceeded deliberately with the planned withdrawal from Wheelus Air Base under the agreement made with the previous regime. The last of the American contingent turned the facility over to the Libyans on 11 June 1970, a date thereafter celebrated in Libya as a national holiday. As relations with the U.S. steadily deteriorated, Gaddafi forged close links with the Soviet Union and other East European countries, all the while maintaining Libya’s stance as a nonaligned country and opposing the spread of communism in the Arab world. Libya’s army—sharply increased from the 6,000-man prerevolutionary force that had been trained and equipped by the British—was armed with Soviet-built armor and missiles. [edit] Petroleum politics The economic base for Libya’s revolution has been its oil revenues. However, Libya’s petroleum reserves were small compared with those of other major Arab petroleum-producing states. As a consequence, Libya was more ready to ration output in order to conserve its natural wealth and less responsive to moderating its price-rise demands than the other countries. Petroleum was seen both as a means of financing the economic and social development of a woefully underdeveloped country and as a political weapon to brandish in the Arab struggle against Israel. The increase in production that followed the 1969 revolution was accompanied by Libyan demands for higher petroleum prices, a greater share of revenues, and more control over the development of the country’s petroleum industry. Foreign petroleum companies agreed to a price hike of more than three times the going rate (from US$0.90 to US$3.45 per barrel) early in 1971. In December the Libyan government suddenly nationalized the holdings of British Petroleum in Libya and withdrew funds amounting to approximately US$550 million invested in British banks as a result of a foreign policy dispute. British Petroleum rejected as inadequate a Libyan offer of compensation, and the British treasury banned Libya from participation in the sterling area. In 1973 the Libyan government announced the nationalization of a controlling interest in all other petroleum companies operating in the country. This step gave Libya control of about 60 percent of its domestic oil production by early 1974, a figure that subsequently rose to 70 percent. Total nationalization was out of the question, given the need for foreign expertise and funds in oil exploration, production, and distribution. Insisting on the continued use of petroleum as leverage against Israel and its supporters in the West, Libya strongly supported formation of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) in 1973, and Libyan militancy was partially responsible for OPEC measures to raise oil prices, impose embargoes, and gain control of production. As a consequence of such policies, Libya’s oil production declined by half between 1970 and 1974, while revenues from oil exports more than quadrupled. Production continued to fall, bottoming out at an eleven-year low in 1975 at a time when the government was preparing to invest large amounts of petroleum revenues in other sectors of the economy. Thereafter, output stabilized at about 2 million barrels per day. Production and hence income declined yet again in the early 1980s because of the high price of Libyan crude and because recession in the industrialized world reduced demand for oil from all sources. Libya’s Five-Year Economic and Social Transformation Plan (1976–80), announced in 1975, was programmed to pump US$20 billion into the development of a broad range of economic activities that would continue to provide income after Libya’s petroleum reserves had been exhausted. Agriculture was slated to receive the largest share of aid in an effort to make Libya self-sufficient in food and to help keep the rural population on the land. Industry, of which there was little before the revolution, also received a significant amount of funding in the first development plan as well as in the second, launched in 1981. [edit] Transition to the Jamahiriya (1973–1977) (Alfateh, 1 September 1969) Festivity Alfateh in Al Bayda City of Libya in 01-09-2010. Further information: Jamahiriya and The Green Book The “remaking of Libyan society” contained in Gaddafi’s ideological visions began to be put into practice formally beginning in 1973 with a so-called cultural or popular revolution. This “revolution” was designed to combat bureaucratic inefficiency, lack of public interest and participation in the subnational governmental system, and problems of national political coordination. In an attempt to instill revolutionary fervor into his compatriots and to involve large numbers of them in political affairs, Gaddafi urged them to challenge traditional authority and to take over and run government organs themselves. The instrument for doing this was the “people’s committee.” Within a few months, such committees were found all across Libya. They were functionally and geographically based and eventually became responsible for local and regional administration. People’s committees were established in such widely divergent organizations as universities, private business firms, government bureaucracies, and the broadcast media. Geographically based committees were formed at the governorate, municipal, and zone (lowest) levels. Seats on the people’s committees at the zone level were filled by direct popular election; members so elected could then be selected for service at higher levels. By mid-1973 estimates of the number of people’s committees ranged above 2,000. In the scope of their administrative and regulatory tasks and the method of their members’ selection, the people’s committees purportedly embodied the concept of direct democracy that Gaddafi propounded in the first volume of The Green Book, which appeared in 1976. The same concept lay behind proposals to create a new political structure composed of “people’s congresses.” The centerpiece of the new system was the General People’s Congress (GPC), a national representative body intended to replace the RCC. [edit] Great Socialist People’s Libyan Arab Jamahiriya Great Socialist People’s Libyan Arab Jamahiriya الجماهيرية العربية الليبية الشعبية الإشتراكية العظمى Al-Jamāhīriyyah al-ʿArabiyyah al-Lībiyyah aš-Šaʿbiyyah al-Ištirākiyyah al-ʿUẓmā (Arabic) 1977–2011 Flag Coat of arms Capital Tripoli Language(s) Arabic Government Jamahiriya Leader and Guide of the Revolution – 1977-2011 Muammar Gaddafi Historical era Cold War – Established 1977 – Disestablished 2011 On 2 March 1977, the GPC, at Gaddafi’s behest, adopted the “Declaration of the Establishment of the People’s Authority”[7][8] and proclaimed the Great Socialist People’s Libyan Arab Jamahiriya (Arabic: ‏الجماهيرية العربية الليبية الشعبية الاشتراكية العظمى‎[9] al-Ǧamāhīriyyat al-ʿArabiyyat al-Lībiyyat aš-Šaʿbiyyat al-Ištirākiyyat al-ʿUẓmā). In the official political philosophy of Gaddafi’s state, the “Jamahiriya” system was unique to the country, although it was presented as the materialization of the Third International Theory, proposed by Gaddafi to be applied to the entire Third World. Gaddafi was designated the “Leader” (Qāʾid) of the Libyan state and was accorded the honorifics “Guide of the First of September Great Revolution of the Socialist People’s Libyan Arab Jamahiriya” or “Brotherly Leader and Guide of the Revolution” in government statements and the official press.[10] The Libyan government stated that the Libyan Jamahiriya was a direct democracy without any political parties, governed by its populace through local popular councils and communes (named Basic People’s Congresses). Official rhetoric disdains the idea of a nation state, tribal bonds remaining primary, even within the ranks of the military of Libya.[11] [edit] Name   Look up Jamahiriya in Wiktionary, the free dictionary. Jamahiriya (Arabic: جماهيرية‎ jamāhīriyyah) is an Arabic term generally translated as “state of the masses”; Lisa Anderson[citation needed] has suggested “peopledom” or “state of the masses” as a reasonable approximations of the meaning of the term as intended by Gaddafi. The term does not occur in this sense in Muammar al-Gaddafi‘s Green Book of 1975. The nisba-adjective Arabic: جماهيرية‎ (“mass-, “of the masses”) occurs only in the third part, published in 1981, in the phrase إن الحركات التاريخية هي الحركات الجماهيرية , translated in the English edition as “Historic movements are mass movements”. The word jamāhīriyyah was derived from jumhūriyyah, which is the usual Arabic translation of “republic”. It was coined by changing the component jumhūr — “public” — to its plural form, jamāhīr — “the masses”. Thus, it is similar to the term People’s Republic. It is often left untranslated in English, with Libya’s long-form name thus rendered as Great Socialist People’s Libyan Arab Jamahiriya. [edit] Reforms (1977–1980) In this 2008 The Economist Democracy Index map for 2008, countries with DI below 3 are shown in black. Democracy Index 2010. Full democracies: 9-10 8-8.9 Flawed democracies: 7-7.9 6-6.9 No data Hybrid regimes: 5-5.9 4-4.9 Authoritarian regimes: 3-3.9 2-2.9 0-1.9 In this 2008 Press Freedom Index, countries shown in red have the least press freedom. [edit] Gaddafi as permanent “Leader of the Revolution” The changes in Libyan leadership since 1976 culminated in March 1979, when the GPC declared that the “vesting of power in the masses” and the “separation of the state from the revolution” were complete. Gaddafi relinquished his duties as general secretary of the GPC, being known thereafter as “the leader” or “Leader of the Revolution.” He remained supreme commander of the armed forces. His replacement was Abdallah Ubaydi, who in effect had been prime minister since 1979. The GPC also adopted resolutions designating Gaddafi as its general secretary and creating the General Secretariat of the GPC, comprising the remaining members of the defunct RCC. It also appointed the General People’s Committee, which replaced the Council of Ministers, its members now called secretaries rather than ministers. [edit] Administrative reforms All legislative and executive authority was vested in the GPC. This body, however, delegated most of its important authority to its general secretary and General Secretariat and to the General People’s Committee. Gaddafi, as general secretary of the GPC, remained the primary decision maker, just as he had been when chairman of the RCC. In turn, all adults had the right and duty to participate in the deliberation of their local Basic People’s Congress (BPC), whose decisions were passed up to the GPC for consideration and implementation as national policy. The BPCs were in theory the repository of ultimate political authority and decision making, being the embodiment of what Gaddafi termed direct “people’s power.” The 1977 declaration and its accompanying resolutions amounted to a fundamental revision of the 1969 constitutional proclamation, especially with respect to the structure and organization of the government at both national and subnational levels. Continuing to revamp Libya’s political and administrative structure, Gaddafi introduced yet another element into the body politic. Beginning in 1977, “revolutionary committees” were organized and assigned the task of “absolute revolutionary supervision of people’s power”; that is, they were to guide the people’s committees, “raise the general level of political consciousness and devotion to revolutionary ideals”. In reality, Gaddafi’s revolutionary committees are used to survey the population and repress any political opposition to Gaddafi’s autocratic rule. Reportedly 10 to 20 percent of Libyans work in surveillance for these committees, a proportion of informants on par with Saddam Hussein‘s Iraq or Kim Jong Il‘s North Korea.[12] Filled with politically astute zealots, the ubiquitous revolutionary committees in 1979 assumed control of BPC elections. Although they were not official government organs, the revolutionary committees became another mainstay of the domestic political scene. As with the people’s committees and other administrative innovations since the revolution, the revolutionary committees fit the pattern of imposing a new element on the existing subnational system of government rather than eliminating or consolidating already existing structures. By the late 1970s, the result was an unnecessarily complex system of overlapping jurisdictions in which cooperation and coordination among different elements were compromised by ill-defined grants of authority and responsibility. The RCC was formally dissolved and the government was again reorganized into people’s committees. A new General People’s Committee (cabinet) was selected, each of its “secretaries” becoming head of a specialized people’s committee; the exceptions were the “secretariats” of petroleum, foreign affairs, and heavy industry, where there were no people’s committees. A proposal was also made to establish a “people’s army” by substituting a national militia, being formed in the late 1970s, for the national army. Although the idea surfaced again in early 1982, it did not appear to be close to implementation. [edit] Economic reforms Further information: Economy of Libya Remaking of the economy was parallel with the attempt to remold political and social institutions. Until the late 1970s, Libya’s economy was mixed, with a large role for private enterprise except in the fields of oil production and distribution, banking, and insurance. But according to volume two of Gaddafi’s Green Book, which appeared in 1978, private retail trade, rent, and wages were forms of “exploitation” that should be abolished. Instead, workers’ self-management committees and profit participation partnerships were to function in public and private enterprises. A property law was passed that forbade ownership of more than one private dwelling, and Libyan workers took control of a large number of companies, turning them into state-run enterprises. Retail and wholesale trading operations were replaced by state-owned “people’s supermarkets”, where Libyans in theory could purchase whatever they needed at low prices. By 1981 the state had also restricted access to individual bank accounts to draw upon privately held funds for government projects. Gaddafi’s efforts also improved the average health of Libyans. In 2009, the CIA’s World Factbook showed the average life expectancy of a Libyan to be 77 years (only one year less than that of an American citizen). However, the measures created resentment and opposition among the newly dispossessed. The latter joined those already alienated, some of whom had begun to leave the country. By 1982, perhaps 50,000 to 100,000 Libyans had gone abroad; because many of the emigrants were among the enterprising and better educated Libyans, they represented a significant loss of managerial and technical expertise. The regime also built a trans-Sahara water pipeline from major aquifers to both a network of reservoirs and the towns of Tripoli, Sirt and Benghazi in 2006–2007, ending the city’s water shortages, caused by the rising urban population.[13] It is part of the Great Manmade River project, started in 1984. It is pumping large resources of water from the Nubian Sandstone Aquifer System to both urban populations and new irrigation projects around the country.[14] Libya continued to be plagued with a shortage of skilled labor, which had to be imported along with a broad range of consumer goods, both paid for with petroleum income. This same oil revenue, however, made possible a substantial improvement in the lives of virtually all Libyans. During the 1970s, the government succeeded in making major improvements in the general welfare of its citizens. By the 1980s Libyans enjoyed much improved housing and education, comprehensive social welfare services, and general standards of health that were among the highest in Africa. [edit] Military [edit] Wars against Chad and Egypt See also: Libya-Chad War, Toyota War, and Libyan-Egyptian War As early as 1969, Gaddafi waged a campaign against Chad. Part of his hostility was apparently because Chadian President François Tombalbaye was a black African and a Christian.[15] Libya was also involved in a sometimes violent territorial dispute with neighbouring Chad over the Aouzou Strip, which Libya occupied in 1973. This dispute eventually led to the Libyan invasion of the country and to a conflict that was ended by a ceasefire reached in 1987. The dispute was in the end settled peacefully in June 1994 when Libya withdrew troops from Chad due to a judgement of the International Court of Justice issued on 13 February 1994.[16] Libyan military adventures in Chad failed, e.g., the prolonged foray of Libyan troops into the Aozou Strip in northern Chad began in 1976 was finally repulsed in 1987, when extensive U.S. and French help to Chadian rebel forces and the government headed by former Defence Minister Hissein Habré finally led to a Chadian victory in the so-called Toyota War. Gaddafi dispatched his military across the border to Egypt in 1977, but Egyptian forces fought back in the Libyan–Egyptian War and Gaddafi had to retreat. [edit] Islamic Legion See also: Islamic Legion In 1972, Gaddafi created the Islamic Legion as a tool to unify and Arabize the region. The priority of the Legion was first Chad, and then Sudan. In Darfur, a western province of Sudan, Gaddafi supported the creation of the Arab Gathering (Tajammu al-Arabi), which according to Gérard Prunier was “a militantly racist and pan-Arabist organization which stressed the ‘Arab’ character of the province.”[17] The two organizations shared members and a source of support, and the distinction between the two is often ambiguous. This Islamic Legion was mostly composed of immigrants from poorer Sahelian countries,[18] but also, according to a source, thousands of Pakistanis who had been recruited in 1981 with the false promise of civilian jobs once in Libya.[19] Generally speaking, the Legion’s members were immigrants who had gone to Libya with no thought of fighting wars, and had been provided with inadequate military training and had sparse commitment. A French journalist, speaking of the Legion’s forces in Chad, observed that they were “foreigners, Arabs or Africans, mercenaries in spite of themselves, wretches who had come to Libya hoping for a civilian job, but found themselves signed up more or less by force to go and fight in an unknown desert.”[18] At the beginning of the 1987 Libyan offensive into Chad, it maintained a force of 2,000 in Darfur. The nearly continuous cross-border raids that resulted greatly contributed to a separate ethnic conflict within Darfur that killed about 9,000 people between 1985 and 1988.[20] Janjaweed, a group that is accused by the U.S. of carrying out a genocide in Darfur in the 2000s, emerged in 1988 and some its leaders are former legionnaires.[21][22] [edit] Attempts at nuclear and chemical weapons In 1972 Gaddafi tried to get the People’s Republic of China to sell him a nuclear bomb. He then tried to get a bomb from Pakistan, but Pakistan severed its ties before it succeeded to build a bomb.[23] Thailand reported its citizens had helped build a storage facilities for nerve gas. Germany sentenced a businessman, Jurgen Hippenstiel-Imhausen, to five years in prison for involvement in Libyan chemical weapons.[23][24]

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